But what can I do? Recommendations for a city council

In May, after the video of the Kinloch SWAT raid broke on YouTube and went viral, I spoke before the Columbia, Missouri City Council, discussing the links between the emergence of civil asset forfeiture as an off-budget funding source for law enforcement and the rise in paramilitary policing. Later on, I would speak to two city council members directly, Paul Sturtz and Laura Nauser, who both agreed with the substance of the argument but expressed that a city council was perhaps not the right venue for engaging these issues.

I disagree. I believe that city councils and county commissions are precisely the place where these issues need to be engaged most directly. Part of the argument against the use of civil asset forfeiture is that access to off-budget funding sources, especially those controlled by federal agencies like the Department of Justice, has critically undermined the ability of voters to exert local control over law enforcement. Consider that in California, many high-ranking state and local law enforcement officials have spoken publicly that they will not shirk in their enforcement of federal drug laws even if Proposition 19 passes. This is not surprising, since they receive a direct federal payout for this enforcement, and do not want to give up the ability to receive that payout. In this way, Californians are in a struggle not just for new cannabis laws, but to exercise their right to self-determination under the parameters of the US Constitution.

And re-asserting the ability to control our own city and county law enforcement must begin at the state and local levels. Here are the brief recommendations I gave to the Columbia City Council in May:

  • First, stop letting law enforcement access money that we can’t control. If this means not getting any money from the Department of Justice at all, I am fine with that. If voters want to fund SWAT teams going out to enforce search warrants on non-violent suspects, that is their call. We should have the choice to link law enforcement performance to our needs and our abilities to fund them from our own taxes.
  • Second, end usage of civil forfeitures to take property and end usage of adoptive federal forfeitures. If we want to punish criminals by taking their property, we can do that as part of a sentence that happens after a conviction by a jury in a court of law. There are objections to ending the use of civil forfeiture on the grounds that we need to have the tools to fight organized crime, but this is not an argument for civil forfeiture; it is an argument as why we need to increase the extent of our statutory authority to criminally forfeit property. Perhaps current forfeiture money could be allocated for that.
  • Third, improve the transparency and quality of oversight in reporting all forfeitures and how the proceeds are disbursed. Include administrative forfeitures with civil and criminal forfeitures in both state and local audits.

I should note the last recommendation is one that is designed to deter clever prosecutors who figure out that they can use confidential settlement agreements to refile civil forfeitures as administrative ones, which allows them to directly retain those funds if they so choose.

I should also make the argument that civil forfeiture funds have created a shadow entitlement for a lot of city and county governments around the country. The ability to fund salaries, equipment expenses, and other items out of forfeiture money has allowed rent-seeking police unions the ability to press for ever-larger salary and pension benefits. Now local governments in every part of America face an estimated $4 trillion in unfunded pension obligations, forcing some very difficult choices about what voters are willing to pay for.

Being able to reassert control over agencies at the local level is a key part of being able to successfully manage the coming fiscal storm. It is a key part of improving basic democratic governance and accountability. It is key to the assertion and successful defense of all the core Constitutional principles to property and liberty. Without engagement along these parameters, America faces a very dark future indeed.

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California auditor civil forfeiture reports now available

California forfeiture audits are now available here, from the period 2002-2008. Note the latest available report, 2008, notes $32.7 million as the estimated total value of seizures in California. However, this is not the true total value of 2008 California forfeitures; I estimate roughly $62 million in seizures were diverted through the federal Department of Justice’s Equitable Sharing program, allowing California’s state and local law enforcement to directly retain a little over $51 million. For California, this is particularly problematic, as much of this money goes towards directing California law enforcement to prioritize cannabis law enforcement. This money is ultimately retained by state and local law enforcement for the purpose of funding equipment, salaries, and chasing more federal grant money; as you might guess, this dramatically influences California law enforcement incentives and practices. As the Wall Street Journal reported in July:

Shasta County Sheriff Tom Bosenko, his budget under pressure in a weak economy, has laid off staff, reduced patrols and even released jail inmates. But there’s one mission on which he’s spending more than in recent years: pot busts.

The reason is simple: If he steps up his pursuit of marijuana growers, his department is eligible for roughly half a million dollars a year in federal anti-drug funding, helping save some jobs. The majority of the funding would have to be used to fight pot. Marijuana may not be the county’s most pressing crime problem, the sheriff says, but “it’s where the money is.”

As California continues to reel under the weight of cuts to state spending, the impacts become more visible as law enforcement starts cutting staff and funding for everything except cannabis law enforcement:

Tight budgets prompted sheriffs’ departments in the state to cut more than 800 positions in the first three months of this year, out of about 30,000. Support for local law enforcement from the strapped state government will fall by $100 million this year, the California Association of Counties expects.

Shasta County supervisors told Sheriff Bosenko last spring that his budget this year would be about $2 million less than last year’s $38 million.

The sheriff laid off 26 people last July, more than 10% of his staff, among them 11 deputies. He eliminated a major-crimes investigator and cut nighttime patrols to two cars from four.

That slowed responses to emergencies, especially after midnight, when an estimated 20% of drivers in the largely rural county 150 miles north of Sacramento have been drinking. The county has higher rates of assault, burglary, drunken driving and domestic violence than big California cities.

To save still more, Mr. Bosenko closed a floor of the county jail and gave early release to 185 inmates, among them 30 convicted drunk drivers. “Those people will probably go out and drink and drive again and hurt people,” the sheriff says. “The criminals know that there’s very limited offender accountability due to our releases at the jail.”

The implications for basic governance and democracy are pretty big. The forfeiture money that is supposed to be flowing into the state general fund travels through federal hands instead and is used to subvert local law enforcement priorities. By changing the priorities of California’s law enforcement, the federal government deprives California’s citizens of setting their own law enforcement priorities. When this means diminished enforcement for things like drunk driving, this means there is literally a tradeoff between the number of deaths from automobile accidents and the amount of money that California’s law enforcement illegally retains in the service of the Department of Justice.

Supporters of Proposition 19 should note that this is a way for the Department of Justice to implicitly leverage hundreds of millions of dollars against the likelihood of passing Proposition 19. Without reforming asset forfeiture laws, it will be nearly impossible for California’s citizens to reform anything that the federal Department of Justice doesn’t want to see reformed. Regardless of your stance on Proposition 19, that prospect should be fairly frightening to anyone who thinks that people should have the right to determine their own laws through a democratic process.

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